Peruvian intellectual José Carlos Mariátegui (–) mentioned as a ripe site for new . tegui calls “el problema del indio.” Mariátegui’s. En este programa tratamos un capítulo de Siete ensayos de interpretación la realidad peruana de José Carlos Mariátegui. Puedes leerlo. Esquema de la evolución económicaEl problema del indioEl problema de la tierraEl proceso de la instrucción públicaEl factor religioso.

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To attract such immigrants, we must offer them land complete with living quarters, animals, and tools and connected with railroads and markets. A widespread indigenous custom. They belong to different historical epochs. Literary perricholismo does not interest us except as an indication or reflection of economic colonialism. In order to define my points of view about this period as regards the agrarian question, I must emphasize an opinion that I already have expressed about the character of the War of Independence in Peru.

The abolition of forced labor, therefore, never became more than a theoretical declaration because it did not touch the latifundium, and servitude is only one of the aspects of feudalism, not feudalism itself. In agriculture, the work system is chiefly determined by the property system. Therefore, the two types of properties are identical in means of production and cultivation.

It is easy to explain why the Spanish colonial regime was incapable of organizing a purely feudal economy in Peru. His acts of greatest historic significance—the abolition of Negro slavery and of forced nidio from the Indians—expressed his liberal attitude.

The abuses and interests of the gamonales are altogether opposed to a strict application of the law conscripting road workers. Peru lacked a middle class capable of organizing a strong and efficient state.

Those who believe this undoubtedly do not understand the organic, fundamental difference existing inio a feudal or semi-feudal economy and a capitalist economy.

Payment for work in the otrabotki system is always less than the wages of capitalist free contracting. The revolution had not really raised a new class to power. It is not possible to speak abstractly of tyranny. The forms of sharecropping and tenant farming vary on the coast and in the sierra according to regions, practice, or crops.

The European peasant indioo not come to America to work as a laborer except where high wages would permit him to save a great deal of money; and this is not the case in Peru.

This circumstance proves that the question is essentially a socio-political one.

Demographic statistics for the rural district of Pativilca three years ago showed a higher death rate than birth rate. The indigenous race is a race of farmers. This provision resulted, politically, in the death of the oligarchy, the aristocracy, the latifundium; socially, in the rise of the bourgeoisie and the mestizo; economically—by dividing inheritances equally—in the formation of small properties, previously blocked by the great estates of the nobility.

This indicates that, in spite of everything and although perhaps only superficially or partially, [25] the situation of the laborer on the haciendas of the coast is better than on the haciendas of the sierra, where feudalism has remained all-powerful.

José Carlos Mariátegui by Lesly Palomino on Prezi

It does not disdain the intellectual achievements of liberalism, only its limitations. When not Indian, the agricultural worker of the Peruvian coast has been the Negro slave and the Chinese coolie, who are, if possible, held in even greater contempt. Spain brought us the Middle Ages: Whereas in North America colonization planted the seeds of the spirit and economy then growing in Europe and representing the future, the Spaniard brought to America the effects and methods of an already declining spirit and economy indjo belonged to the past.

It could not understand or even consider the agrarian problem. The two factors proble,a kept the independence movement from taking up the agrarian problem in Peru—the extremely rudimentary state of idio urban bourgeoisie and the extra-social situation, as Echevarria defines it, of the Indian—later prevented the governments of the republic indioo developing a policy aimed in some way at a more equitable distribution of land.

Their testimony cannot be accepted at face value. The nature of agricultural property in Peru is one of the greatest obstacles to the development of a national capitalism.

With the practice of exterminating the indigenous population and destroying its institutions, the conquistadors impoverished and bled, more than they could realize, the fabulous country they had won for the king of Spain.

In this respect, demographic data are the most convincing and decisive. Absolutism always means poverty for the many and opulence and abusive power for the few. Since the enactment of the Civil Code, Peru has entered a period of gradual organization. The stylized, synthesized ceramics of the Indians cannot have been produced by a crude or savage people.

I do not believe in eel supernatural powers of mriategui Incas. The power of this class—civilistas or neogodos—was to a large measure derived from ownership of land.

With the exception of livestock ranches that export wool and other products, the latifundia in the valleys and tablelands of the sierra produce almost nothing.

And this comparison requires a certain degree of historical relativism. It is real to the extent that it represses the will of the people and oppresses and stifles their life force. And this was not the fault of the ideology that inspired the new policy, which, rightly applied, would have ended feudal control of land and converted the Indian into a small landowner.

Capitalist exploitation and industrialization of land cannot develop fully and freely unless all feudal privileges are abolished; therefore it has made very little progress in our country.

Siete ensayos de interpretación de la realidad peruana

During the period of the military caudillo, it was the latifundia and not the urban demos that grew stronger. In this way, the landholding aristocracy and its adherents became the beneficiaries of the fiscal policy and the exploitation of guano and nitrate.

The Commission for the Madiategui of Wheat Farming has announced the success of its experiments in different parts of the coast. Inseparable and of the same substance, their analysis leads us to the conclusion that the servitude oppressing the indigenous race cannot be abolished unless the latifundium is abolished.

Before coastal agriculture acquired a capitalist organization, the factor of irrigation was not important enough to determine the accumulation of property. This was undoubtedly the intention of the codifiers of rights in Peru.